The History I Wasn’t Taught
It particularly disturbs me to read what Shirer writes about Germany both before and after the Second World War. Where I expected to read insights that would deepen a superficial understanding of events gleaned from eighth-grade History classes, I’m presented with an accounting in direct contradiction to many of the points that were presented as fact when I was in school.
My teachers can perhaps be forgiven for downplaying Chamberlain’s role. His sin being optimism and a blindness to his faith in human nature it could be almost commendable if not for the millions who likely would have been saved by earlier action. Hindsight of course gives us a special pulpit and perhaps history should not hold him up to too much disgrace.
Further, it’s sad but perhaps not relevant that France had a good chance of being able to defend itself from Germany, if only France had the will to resist. History records what did happen, not so much what could have happened.
But if Shirer is to be believed, two key myths I was fed directly contradict the facts: first that Germany’s economy was so badly crippled by the reparations indicated in Versailles that it was only natural that Germany would lash out to get out from under the collective thumbs of the Great War Allies. Germany never even paid those reparations, and as Shirer tells it, the spiraling inflation of the Thirties was in good part an intentional restructuring that helped Germany to recover from the depression that hit Germany only as hard as it hit the rest of Europe. The oppression of Germany by the Allies was Hitler’s lie: why does it persist into today’s history texts?
Second is the myth that at the fall of Germany the good people of Germany had immediate shame for allowing their leaders to commit such atrocities. Conventional wisdom is that Adenauer was representative of the moral character of a Germany that banned the Nazi party after its defeat. According to Shirer, neonazi groups failed to rise to power mostly because none of their leaders were content to follow the other leaders. Shirer paints a portrait of a Germany ashamed not so much of Hitler as of losing their bid to take over Europe.
I was already disillusioned by a telling of history that failed to mention that Stalin’s sin was the slaughter of twice as many as Hitler’s – why is this? It seems to me that it is because we waged war against Hitler and feel the need to congratulate ourselves on a moral rather than self-interested victory, as though self-preservation were not enough of a virtue. But if we rose up against Hitler because of the death camps and not because of his intent to rob us of our self-determination, why did we not rise up against Stalin?
I’m not really certain what to make of all this, except perhaps that I should follow the admonition not to believe everything I read. I am however more than a little distraught at the idea that our history is so much the result of propaganda rather than research.
There’s a lot of valuable perspective here that often seems to get lost in the gap between news and history. Shirer offers opinion and analysis and through his first-person memoir-style presentation leads the reader along the logical procession of ideas. Here, the journalist removing himself from the picture would have been counterproductive. Conventional journalistic wisdom suggests that “real” reporting happens when the journalist pretends she or he does not exist, and that allowing for perspective transforms any writing into “soft” or personal creative writing. Shirer very effectively shows the lie to this, as of course do many other writers; Orwell comes immediately to mind.
Among the important things that exist in our world today of which I hadn’t considered the origin are NATO and Britain’s healthcare system. Shirer told the stories of the progression of each and the context in which they were created. It is surprising to me that, though more than a half-century later we hear the cries of the collapse of Western Civilization should the United States adopt a nationalized health insurance system, the Tories were largely strong supporters of the creation of Britain’s system. “The cost is high. Was ever public money better spent?” asked the staunchly anti-Labour Manchester Guardian rhetorically.
Finally one more point that seems relevant to the United States’ role in the world is the revelation (now sixty years old) from Germany’s secret archives that Hitler never considered that America might join the war. He waged war on Europe assuming that he’d have a battle against Britain, France, and Russia. It’s almost matter of record (although such things are of course speculative) that if the United States had not joined World War II, Nazi Germany would have conquered Europe. It gives me great pause though to think that if in 1938 Roosevelt had informed Germany that we would ally with Britain, France, and Russia to intervene if he rolled into Czechoslovakia, that the war could have been averted.
Yet perhaps the war needed to happen. Even by 1938 the Nazis were committing atrocities and would certainly have continued to. At that point in history it was unthinkable to attack a country for its treatment of its own citizens, no matter how abhorrent. It was World War II that transformed our ideas about the duty of coalitions of nations to intervene on behalf of the victims of governments. Hitler was right when he asked “who today remembers the Armenians?” Today however, the people of the world are by and large committed to the memory of the millions killed by Hitler’s atrocities. There’s even much greater awareness of the Armenian genocide today than there was when Hitler spoke those words.
So while it’s a little sad to think that our isolationism and inaction allowed a Second Great War to occur, it’s much more chilling to think of a world where Hitler had bided his time, bolstered his military further, and strategized counting on America’s involvement. If history is written by the winners, would European textbooks today proclaim the glory of the Third Reich? Or in what seems like the best-case outcome would we remember Hitler today the way we remember Stalin, as the murderous dictator we did nothing to stop? It is not a cheery best-case scenario, especially considering whether Hitler’s body count would have reached up to or even surpassed Stalin’s.
I can’t believe they aren’t
I can’t believe they aren’t teaching about “the Appeaser.” That’s probably why our country is in the place it is in today.
As for why we never faced up to Stalin’s crimes, you answer that yourself later when you mention that we didn’t usually interfere with a country’s internal affairs.
Sounds like good reading, but maybe you should simply get an OLD history book.
Dad
First, as you know I took
First, as you know I took World History over twenty years ago. Still, I remember it being largely about what happened, with very little “why.”
Midcentury Journey, by the way, was written in 1952. Books about The Great Wars don’t get very much older, at least not if they cover both of them.