Happy birthday, Silent… John?

I’ll start with a triv­ia ques­tion. What was Ulysses S Grant’s mid­dle name?

Samuel is a good guess. He was appar­ent­ly nick­named Uncle Sam at West Point due to his ini­tials US. In fact, I don’t know what the S in Ulysses S Grant stands for. Nei­ther does any­one else, because Ulysses S Grant’s mid­dle ini­tial was not actu­al­ly S. It turns out that what was Ulysses S Grant’s mid­dle name? is a trick question.

Ulysses S Grant’s mid­dle name was Ulysses.

Ulysses S Grant’s first name was Hiram; Ulysses was his mid­dle name. There was nev­er an S. Because of the Uncle Sam nick­name, there’s an argu­ment that the S stood for Sam, but it wasn’t short for Samuel or Samwell, nor Samuele, Samir, Sam­son, or Ish­mael for that matter.

A cler­i­cal error at West Point got his names mixed up and added the acci­den­tal new ini­tial, cement­ing the use of his mid­dle name Ulysses as his com­mon name. Exact­ly why the S got added is unclear, but then so is most of the rest of history.

I find this espe­cial­ly notable because Ulysses S Grant is the cen­ter of the most com­mon trick ques­tion of all his­tor­i­cal triv­ia (who is buried in Grant’s tomb?) This one about his mid­dle name has been hid­ing in plain sight the whole time.

It’s not unique to Grant, how­ev­er. We can ask this same ques­tion in regard to many US Pres­i­dents.

What was Woodrow Wilson’s mid­dle name? Woodrow. Giv­en name Thomas.

What was Grover Cleveland’s mid­dle name? Grover. Giv­en name Stephen.

What was Dwight David Eisenhower’s mid­dle name? Dwight. Slight­ly dif­fer­ent from oth­er exam­ples in that Lit­tle Ike’s moth­er explic­it­ly decid­ed to swap his first and mid­dle names to keep from hav­ing two Davids in the house­hold. It’s com­mon enough prac­tice to go by one’s mid­dle name for a vari­ety of rea­sons, but it’s an extra step to swap the order of the names. In any case, David Dwight is what was on Pres­i­dent Eisenhower’s birth cer­tifi­cate and as far as I can tell there’s no legal name change on record.

That brings us to Calvin Coolidge’s mid­dle name, which you’ve already guessed was Calvin. His father was John Calvin Coolidge Sr, and he was John Calvin Coolidge Jr. It’s com­mon to use dif­fer­ent names for two peo­ple in the same house­hold who share a name, for rea­sons so obvi­ous that I’m sur­prised any­one ever names their child after them­selves. But Cal notably dou­bled down by nam­ing his sons John Coolidge (no mid­dle name, so not John Coolidge III) and Calvin Coolidge Jr, a slight­ly mad­den­ing choice because it’s my under­stand­ing that Jr should be applied to off­spring with the same name. How­ev­er, this does indi­cate some­thing sim­i­lar to what I flagged about Eisenhower’s name. In prac­tice, Coolidge wasn’t going by his mid­dle name. In his mind per­haps he had sim­ply dropped the “John” and con­sid­ered his name Calvin Coolidge.

In the past, name changes after birth were not always doc­u­ment­ed as they usu­al­ly are today. It would be unfair to char­ac­ter­ize any of these as instances of not hav­ing going by their real first names. His­tor­i­cal­ly, our assump­tion that one must go to court to get a legal dec­la­ra­tion of a name change is an aber­ra­tion rather than the norm. It’s not up to me to tell some­one else what their real name is. 

Per­haps if we were being over­ly pedan­tic we would say that Calvin Coolidge Jr was the son of Calvin Coolidge (né John Calvin Coolidge). Should we append “Sr” to Pres­i­dent Calvin Coolidge’s name? No, we just use the names they chose. All this may be inter­est­ing triv­ia but it is indeed trivial.

More sig­nif­i­cant triv­ia is that today is Calvin Coolidge’s birth­day. He is the only Unit­ed States Pres­i­dent to have been born on the Fourth of July. 

If you haven’t read his address com­mem­o­rat­ing the 150th anniver­sary of the pub­li­ca­tion of the Dec­la­ra­tion of Inde­pen­dence, or haven’t done so recent­ly, it’s worth a few min­utes of your time. It’s worth a lot more than a few min­utes, but that’s all it will take.

While far from the only impor­tant or inspir­ing part of his 5 July 1926 address, this one stood out to me this year as being even more nec­es­sary on the 250th birth­day than it was on the 150th:

We are too prone to over­look anoth­er con­clu­sion. Gov­ern­ments do not make ideals, but ideals make gov­ern­ments. This is both his­tor­i­cal­ly and log­i­cal­ly true. Of course the gov­ern­ment can help to sus­tain ideals and can cre­ate insti­tu­tions through which they can be the bet­ter observed, but their source by their very nature is in the peo­ple. The peo­ple have to bear their own respon­si­bil­i­ties. There is no method by which that bur­den can be shift­ed to the gov­ern­ment. It is not the enact­ment, but the obser­vance of laws, that cre­ates the char­ac­ter of a nation.

I find this at turns trou­bling and com­fort­ing. It says that char­ac­ter is des­tiny, but writ large: it’s not the char­ac­ter of one per­son on whose virtues or lack there­of our nation’s suc­cess will rise and fall, but the char­ac­ter of the nation. I find myself won­der­ing if our nation’s char­ac­ter is our sav­ing grace or if it is become our liability.

It sad­dens me to think, on our 250th birth­day, that I have lost hope in the Amer­i­can peo­ple. Once upon a time I believed I could trust Amer­i­cans’ char­ac­ter regard­less of the lead­ers we chose. My faith is not bro­ken, but it has been shak­en. This is not just a Trump thing, but it’s not not a Trump thing.

I try not to let Trump get to me. I know that part of his shtick is intend­ed to get under my skin. It’s meant to raise my ire. It’s not just that he doesn’t care what I think; he wants peo­ple to dis­agree with him pub­licly so that they can be tarred with the Trump Derange­ment Syn­drome brush. There’s no ques­tion that some hate Trump by reflex rather than prin­ci­ple, but just as all of them would say it’s on prin­ci­ple (and for most it would be at least part­ly true) it mat­ters not at all how prin­ci­pled one’s stand is; there is noth­ing short of syco­phan­tic lock­step which can dis­pel the taint of so-called derangement.

That is itself its own form of derange­ment, and would not deliv­er the safe­ty it might seem to promise. It is not enough to say that two plus two equals five today; tomor­row two plus two will equal sev­en­teen, and the day after two plus two must equal glock­en­spiel. Then on the third day comes the cru­elest twist when with­out warn­ing two plus two must equal four. It’s cru­el for two rea­sons: first because dar­ing to hope that one can con­tin­ue on say­ing two plus two equals four invites heart­break. Sec­ond, because those who have said each day that the Leader was wrong will be oblig­ed to ques­tion whether there is such a thing as truth and may be lured into reflex­ive­ly denounc­ing the new “truth”… even though it is true.

That is why it’s a prob­lem that the Vice Pres­i­dent denies that the Unit­ed States is a creedal nation and insists that what mat­ters is blood and soil. It’s not just that it’s not true. It’s not just that truth mat­ters. The truth — those truths the Con­ti­nen­tal Con­gress vot­ed to declare as self-evi­dent on the Sec­ond Day of July in 1776 and sent out to the colonies two days lat­er — is the well­spring of the nation’s greatness. 

As Coolidge said, “it is not the enact­ment, but the obser­vance of laws, that cre­ates the char­ac­ter of a nation,” it is not the dec­la­ra­tion of self-evi­dent truths two hun­dred fifty years ago that makes us the Unit­ed States of Amer­i­ca, it is that we con­tin­ue to hold those truths to be self-evi­dent. It does not mat­ter how many T‑shirts you print with images of the Dec­la­ra­tion, or of bald eagles, or of the Twin Tow­ers, if we don’t con­tin­ue to hold those truths and pro­tect them, it does not mat­ter whether we hold the land and pro­tect it.

We can’t hold and pro­tect truths unless there is such a thing as truth. The nation’s char­ac­ter can­not be great unless our char­ac­ters are. Ven­er­at­ing peo­ple of low char­ac­ter will destroy our nation more sure­ly than the scoundrels them­selves could. Mak­ing excus­es for them, jus­ti­fy­ing their vil­lainy, ral­ly­ing to their sides, pre­tend­ing there are glim­mers of virtue in them where there are none to be found, these are the dan­ger­ous cor­rup­tions of which we must be wary. 

I know we can sur­vive cor­rupt politi­cians. I have less faith that we can sur­vive being cor­rupt­ed ourselves.

I came out to see the fire­works tonight and got eat­en alive by mos­qui­toes. The fire­works show was very impres­sive, as one would hope it to be on the 250th. But what actu­al­ly made my night was see­ing fire­flies on the path through the wood­ed area for the first time this sum­mer. Maybe they’ve been out for weeks but I just haven’t been out and about at the right times. Or maybe I haven’t been pay­ing enough atten­tion. There’s some­thing reas­sur­ing about see­ing fire­flies on a sum­mer night, and I’m not sure that the town’s fire­works dis­play, as good as it was, could pos­si­bly have matched those flick­ers in the darkness.

Last note: a few days ago Jon­ah Gold­berg inter­viewed Michael Auslin about his book Nation­al Trea­sure: How The Dec­la­ra­tion of Inde­pen­dence Made Amer­i­ca. I haven’t read the book but I was fas­ci­nat­ed by the pod­cast. https://thedispatch.com/podcast/remnant/the-declaration-of-independence-interview-michael-auslin/ You won’t be able to lis­ten to it on the Fourth of July because the Fourth is min­utes away from being over, but it will be a good lis­ten when­ev­er you get to it.

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